Through reporting with sources involved in the negotiations between the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas, and “Israel,” Diário Causa Operária (DCO) gained firsthand access to a draft detailing what is being discussed regarding the disarmament of the Palestinian resistance.
In recent days, the imperialist press has reported that Hamas agreed to surrender its weapons. This is a fabrication, an attempt to demoralize the resistance in order to highlight a false Israeli victory. Simply put, a lie. The truth is that the Palestinian party, together with the other resistance groups, has reached a detailed consensus on the implementation of the coming stages of the ceasefire and on the definition of the responsibilities of the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG), which will govern the Strip.
An end to the aggression against Gaza
The central concern of the agreement is to guarantee an end to the Zionist aggression against the Gaza Strip. To that end, the 15-point text stipulates that, before any concession on the part of the resistance, “Israel” must fulfill what was established in the peace agreement mediated by the United States. This includes an end to the attacks, the withdrawal of all Israeli troops from Gaza — without the expulsion of any Palestinian — and the disarmament of the militias financed by “Israel.”
This process will be overseen by the so-called International Stabilization Force (ISF), responsible for separating Israeli forces from the regions governed by the NCAG. The ISF is also to monitor compliance with the ceasefire by all parties, train the new Palestinian police, guarantee the protection and delivery of humanitarian aid and essential supplies, and support the NCAG, upon request, in other missions that do not involve policing the Palestinian population.
According to this newspaper’s reporting, Hamas’s assessment is that the agreement establishes a comprehensive and permanent ceasefire, guarantees an end to the aggression, and creates the conditions necessary for stability. The Palestinian party also stresses that no stage may begin before the previous one is completed. Therefore, the full implementation of all first-phase commitments is an indispensable condition for advancing to the second phase.
Hamas assesses that it conducted the negotiations in a positive and responsible manner, with the priority of halting the killings and all aggressions against the population of Gaza. According to the movement, the understanding was reached by consensus among the resistance organizations, which adopted a common position in an effort to end the aggression and the suffering of the Palestinian population.
Still according to Hamas, during the negotiations the movement sought to demonstrate flexibility before the mediators, removing pretexts that could be used by “Israel” to prolong the war, but without relinquishing Palestinian national rights. Among the concessions made during this process, the party cites the release of the Israeli prisoners, its agreement to transfer the government of Gaza to the NCAG, and the formulation of an understanding among the Palestinian organizations on the question of weapons.
In the movement’s assessment, these concessions were possible because the resistance of the population of Gaza prevented “Israel” from carrying out its plans to expel the Palestinians from the Strip and strengthened the Palestinian position during the negotiations.
Disarmament
The agreement defines a principle by which Gaza is to be governed: one authority, one law, one weapon. First, the NCAG will be responsible for organizing a police force. All the weapons of the current police will pass to the Committee’s authority after the formation of the new government.
Members of the militias armed by “Israel” may not be incorporated into the new police forces. The current Palestinian police, for their part, will undergo an evaluation process before being integrated into the structure reorganized by the NCAG. Those who do not remain in the corps are to receive civilian posts or retirement, without loss of their rights on grounds of political affiliation.
At the same time, a process will begin to deactivate and store heavy weapons, military production sites, weapons depots, and tunnels — but only after “Israel” fulfills its first-stage obligations. Within this, the text makes clear that the Palestinian resistance organizations must take part in this process and that no weapon will be handed over to “Israel” or to any non-Palestinian party.
The procedure will unfold gradually and will be directly tied to the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the areas still occupied in Gaza. It will also depend on the NCAG’s entry into the Strip, the start of its activities, the deployment of the ISF, and the disarmament of the collaborationist militias.
The so-called “personal weapons,” in turn, will not be confiscated but regulated by the National Committee in accordance with Palestinian law. It will fall to the NCAG to register these weapons, grant and revoke licenses, and oversee compliance with the rules.
On this point, Hamas states that the question of the resistance’s weapons is exclusively Palestinian and must be administered according to the interests of the Palestinian people and by decision of the Palestinian organizations themselves. The movement emphasizes that the agreement does not provide for the collection of the weapons, their surrender to the occupation, or their transfer to any non-Palestinian party. For the party, such a scenario is inadmissible.
According to Hamas’s interpretation, the document merely establishes Palestinian mechanisms for the registration, deactivation, and storage of heavy weapons during the period set out in the agreement. In other words, the armament remains under Palestinian control and is not handed over to “Israel.”
The movement also stresses that these measures may only begin after the full fulfillment of the Israeli obligations set for the first phase, the end of the attacks and other violations, the NCAG’s entry into Gaza, the deployment of the international force, and the disarmament of the militias backed by the occupation. All of this must occur in parallel with the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Strip.
Palestinian government
Hamas and the other Palestinian organizations also agree to transfer to the NCAG the civilian functions of government and security during the transition period. The Committee is to act independently, without interference from the resistance organizations in its decisions.
Hamas states that its agreement to the Committee’s entry into Gaza stems from its defense of a unified Palestinian national administration for the Strip. The movement holds that the NCAG should assume its responsibilities independently and preserve the rights of the population during the transition period.
The existing structure of public services is to be preserved. Public employees will continue to have their rights recognized, including those who are retired or dismissed during the reorganization of the Strip’s government. The Committee is also to carry out an audit of public finances and administer the existing public assets and resources in Gaza.
The document further provides that legitimate commitments to suppliers, contractors, and other creditors, up to a limit of US$400 million, be assessed by the new government. These measures are to be implemented gradually over a period of three years.
Another clause provides for the signing of a so-called Social Peace Agreement among the different Palestinian sectors. The aim is to prevent internal clashes, reprisals, shows of force, military parades, and armed demonstrations between organizations and clans during the transition period.
Finally, the document provides for the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip, devastated by the Israeli aggression. A specific plan is to define the resources, financing, and timetable of the works, under the responsibility of the NCAG and the international body charged with monitoring the agreement. For Hamas, one of the Committee’s central tasks will be precisely to secure the resources needed to rebuild what was destroyed by “Israel” and to restore minimum conditions of life for the population.
The movement also maintains that the ISF may not interfere in Gaza’s internal affairs or exercise policing functions over its population. Its activity is to remain restricted to monitoring the ceasefire, separating the Israeli troops from the Palestinian areas, training the police, and guaranteeing the entry of humanitarian aid.
Thus, what is under negotiation is not the surrender of the resistance’s weapons to “Israel,” but an internal Palestinian reorganization conditioned on the end of the aggression, the fulfillment of the Israeli obligations, and the withdrawal of the occupation forces. Even the measures concerning heavy armament are to remain under Palestinian control and to advance in parallel with the Israeli withdrawal from the Strip.
